Burke points out that
Hitler’s influence over his followers is a product of a powerfully mastered
understanding of rhetoric and its use. Hitler “swung a great deal of people
into his wake” and cast an even greater deal out, all by manipulating language
and effectively molding the people’s understandings of words and concepts to
his liking (Burke 191).
This idea of defining
something by what it is not reminded me of Derrida and his notion of
differance. Derrida points to how we understand words by first understanding
what they are not. We know boy because we know it is not girl. We know cat
because it is not dog and it is not bird. It seems that Hitler takes this
theory and implements it on a more widespread and politically manipulative
scale. He unites his people by pointing out to them and convincing them of what
they are not—non-Aryan, Jewish, Negro, and so on. He then makes them believe
that these things that they are not are inferior traits that are in turn
causing the demise of Germany. So, because they are not Jews, they are
superior. Like Derrida’s words,
Hitler and his people are most clearly understood in terms of what they are
not.
Burke posits that the
“materialization of a religious pattern is…one terrifically effective weapon of
propaganda” and Hitler demonstrates this to a tee (Burke 194). By singling out the
Jew, Hitler materializes a “visible, point-to-able” form, a certain type of
people with a certain kind of blood (Burke 194). With his rhetoric, he convinces his
people that dignity is inborn; it runs in the blood…of Aryans and not Jews.
Hitler’s rhetoric also relies on the use of projection devices, his ability to
hand his issues and ills over to a scapegoat who in turn takes the blame. As
aforementioned, Hitler effectively took his country’s economic strife and
blames it on one class of people. There were no longer problems with finance, there were problems with Jew finance. By unloading a “greater
amount of evils…upon the back of the enemy,” Hitler unites his people against
an external foe, rather than an internal one (Burke 203).
The means by which Hitler
does all of this is quite representative of Bakhtin’s arguments in favor of the
power of language. Bakhtin argued that language was “generational” (Bakhtin 290). By
this he meant something much wider, not that the meanings of words just change
over time, but that words have the power to influence and result from entire
ideological shifts. Words have a “verbal-ideological life”, in which they have
certain power to demonstrate the co-existence of a socio-logical contradiction
between different groups (Bakhtin 290). For this reason language is inherently social,
existing within these groups. It is also performative, allowing individuals to
coin new terms that are then associated with their generation/ideology/social
group.
This idea of the
performative power of language and the way it can represent ideologies is
inherent to Hitler’s rhetoric. Through his speeches and his book Mein Kampf, he creates an entirely new
understanding of language for his followers to latch onto. He synonymizes Jew
with all things negative. Because of this, his people understand the word Jew
in this way and only this way. He does the same with Aryan, only with all
things positive. Burke outlines the way that Hitler’s power of word and concept
association affected his people: his voice identifies a leader of people who
strives for unity, the people of the Reich which has it’s Mecca in Munich and
can be associated with hard work, war, strength, responsibility, and sacrifice.
Bakhtin would undoubtedly
agree that Hitler’s words have “the ability to infect with [their] own
intention certain aspects of language”, meaning that he has the power to
manipulate and even change the meaning of language (Bakhtin 290). This is
without a doubt a sign of mastery of rhetoric. When I think of the power that
language has to demonstrate ideological trends, I think of a steady evolution
of language throughout time. In Hitler’s case, however, he so strategically
uses his associative tricks to quickly convince his people of these new meanings
of Jew (devil) and Aryan (perfection) and all related terms. For instance, when
he mentions enemy, his people no immediately who he is referring to. It is a
wonder that one man has such great rhetorical power. With his language, Hitler was
able to create a whole new context (a power of language that Bakhtin
identifies). He eliminates the situation in which Germany’s problem is it’s
wounded economy and introduces a context in which Germany’s problem is the
Jewish people who are wounding the economy.
What is interesting
though, is that Bakhtin seems to focus his argument on the novel. He makes
obvious his distaste for poetry and in turn favors the novel’s truth and
heteroglossia. He speaks of an author and a speaker within the text. Above I
have considered both Hitler’s text in Mein
Kampf as well as in his actual speeches. By attributing Bakhtin’s ideas to
Hitler’s rhetoric, I am suggesting that his theory transcends the novel. Hitler
is thus the author of his spoken words, embodying the persona of the speaker. Through
his speeches as well as his book, Hitler’s words have the transformative and
performative power to completely mold the ideologies and lives of his people.
--Morgan
Jantzen
Sources:
Bakhtin,
Mikhail M. “Discourse in the Novel.” The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays.
Trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist. Austin: U of Texas P, 1981. 259-331,
excerpted.
Burke,
Kenneth. “The Rhetoric of Hitler’s ‘Battle’.” In The Philosophy of Literary
Form: Studies in Symbolic Action, Third Edition. Berkeley: U of California P,
1973. 191-211.
Derrida,
Jacques. “DiffĂ©rance.” Literary Theory: An Anthology, Second Edition. Ed. Julie
Rivkin and Michael Ryan. Malden, MA: Wiley/Blackwell, 2004. 278-288.
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